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Assessment for Bodos in India

Bodos are territorially concentrated north of the Brahmaputra River in Assam and have a history of protest and violence against the state. Factor mitigating risks of rebellion include efforts at negotiation and accommodation of Bodos demands. Two militant Bodo organizations have reached ceasefires with government officials, including in 2005 a ceasefire between the National Democratic Front of Bodoland. Final resolution of the conflict will depend on implementation of accords over the next several years and on eased competition between Bodo and Assamese organizations for political dominance.

Bodo protest will likely continue at low to moderate levels in the near future. Numerous Bodo political organizations continue to mobilize the community, in particular students. The democratic nature of India’s government also makes protest a relatively low-cost form of political resistance.

Bodos are perhaps most at risk for intercommunal conflict. Although in the past there has been cooperation between Bodo and Assamese political organizations, competition for political power and limited economic resources may lead to violence between the two groups. Potential for conflict between Bodos and Bengalis also persists.

Analytic Summary
Bodos, indigenous to the subcontinent, are hill tribals of Mongol extraction who inhabit the northern plains region of Assam. Bodos are fervently proud of their heritage and culture and have increasingly felt that their own culture and language is threatened by Assamese dominance.

Historically, the northeast part of India, including Assam, was sparsely populated. However, during the colonial period, the shortage of manpower in Assam was regarded as a major obstacle to British colonial plans (to clear the jungles, reclaim swampy lands for cultivation, develop tea cultivation, etc.). As a result, the British encouraged migration from East Bengal into Ahom. The inflow of people to the northeast continued even after the partition of India in 1947.

The population of northeast India has seen unprecedented growth during the past century, and that of Assam, for example, increased from 3,290,000 around partition to 19,902,826 in 1981. After the partition of British India in 1947, several hundred thousand Bengali-speaking Hindus left what was then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and flowed into Assam by late 1950. Since 1947, three tribal states have been separated from Assam: Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Nagaland. Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, and Manipur of northeast India were considered for inclusion in Assam, but have also become separate states.

In 1956, Jawaharlal Nehru’s government created linguistic states in the wake of ethnic strife throughout northeast India. However, Bodos (one of the largest tribal groups in India) did not receive a separate state but were incorporated into the state of Assam.

Unlike the Assamese-speaking majority in Assam, who demand secession from India, most Bodos seek autonomy within India in the form of a state of their own called “Bodoland” (which would comprise almost the entire area north of the Brahmaputra River in Assam). Although the Assamese-dominated Assam’s People Party (AGP) government attempted to treat Bodo tribals and other minority groups (within Assam) as part of greater Assamese society, the Bodos opposed these policies. Under the auspices of the All-Bodos Students Union (ABSU), headed by Upendra Nath Brahma, the Bodo community launched a self-determination movement in the late 1980s, ironically reminiscent of the AASU movement a decade earleir. The Bodos’ demand for a separate state from Assam, however is unacceptable to AGP members who fiercely oppose the division of the already “much-fragmented” state. The Bodos have also demanded that the central government recognize Bodo as one of India’s national languages and that Bodo be declared as the official language in Bodo areas. They have also been calling for an increase in the number of seats reserved for tribal peoples in admissions into educational institutions, as well as more housing grants, radio and television stations, and an agricultural university for Bodos.

Bodos are represented by a variety of organizations, including the All-Bodos Students Union, the Bodo Liberation Tigers, the Bodo Security Force and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland. These organizations have at times resorted to violent tactics, including attacks on public buildings and railroads to attract the attention of the central government. Both the ABSU and the Bodo Security Force (BSF) have employed violent measures to gain publicity for their cause. In the mid to late 1980s, over 600 people were killed in Bodo-related violence. Between 2001 and 2003, Bodos clashed with Bengalis and Santal adivasis (COMCON01-02 = 3, COMCON03 = 2).

In February 2003, an agreement was reached betweenthe Indian and state governments and Bodo leaders to create a Bodo Tribal Council that provided for greater self-rule in Bodo majority areas. The deal was implemented in December 2003, allowing for greater political control (POLDIS03 = 1). As part of the settlement, the federal government announced the funding for the creation of a hospital and the provision of jobs for the rebels who had surrendered (ECDIS03 = 1). Despite these developments, some Bodo factions continued to engage in militant activity (REB01-02 = 4, REB03 = 2). In 2005, an additional militant organization, the National Democratic Front of Bodoland, reached a ceasefire with the government. Protest continued at low levels from 2001 to 2003 (PROT01-02 = 3, PROT03 = 2).

References
Darnell, Alfred T. and Sunita Parikh, “Religion, Ethnicity, and the Role of the State: Explaining Conflict in Assam”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3, July 1988.

India Today, March 15, 1989.

Far Eastern Economic Review, 1989-1994.

Keesings’ Contemporary Archive, Keesings Record of World Events.

Lexis-Nexis news reports, 1990-2003.

Wilson, Jane S. “Turmoil in Assam,” Asian Perspectives, 1992. ————————–==Publication DaTe: 31 December 2003
Publisher Minorities at Risk Project
Publication Date 31 December 2003
Cite as Minorities at Risk Project, Assessment for Bodos in India, 31 December 2003, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/469f3a8f3b.html [accessed 28 May 2021]
Disclaimer This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States.
India Facts
Area: 3,287,590 sq. km.
Capital: New Delhi
Total Population: 130 Crore app.

Community

UN award for Bhutan’s Queen Mother

By Suhasini Haidar
In a first for the Himalayan Kingdom, and a rare honour in the sub-continent, Bhutan’s Queen Mother Gyalyum Sangay Choden Wangchuck has been awarded the United Nations Population Award in the individual category for 2020 for her work on sexual health and ending gender violence.

The awardee in the organisational category is HelpAge India that works on elder care. Only two Indians have been awarded in the past four decades since the award was established in 1981: former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1983 and industrialist-philanthropist J.R.D.Tata in 1992.

“It is of great honour to our region as the recipients of the prestigious UNFPA Population award this year, both in the individual and institutional category are from the Indian sub-continent,” the Bhutanese Queen Mother, who will receive the UN award on December 10, told The Hindu, in replies to questions from Thimphu. “I am truly humbled by this recognition for the achievements that Bhutan has made over the past decade in the areas of sexual and reproductive health.”

Enabling environment
In particular, the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) that announced the award said Gyalyum Sangay Choden, popularly called “Ashi Sangay” (Princess Sangay) has been recognised for creating “an enabling environment to openly discuss sexual reproductive health in the [Bhutanese] kingdom” and for founding a volunteer organisation called ‘Respect, Educate, Nurture and Empower Women’ (RENEW).

Since its start in 2004, RENEW has been involved in spreading sexual education amongst students, ensuring reproductive healthcare for women and counselling services. India has supported RENEW through the Embassy in Thimphu, and helped construct the RENEW crisis centre as well as Bhutan’s first shelter for victims of gender-based violence, “Gawailing Happy Home”.

57-year-old Gyalyum Sangay Choden Wangchuck is the youngest of four sisters, all married to Bhutan’s former monarch, the Fourth King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, who abdicated in favour of his son Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck in 2006. Despite the abdication, each of the Bhutanese royals stays engaged with public engagements and charity work, and much of Ashi Sangay’s work is supported by the Fourth and Fifth Kings and the Bhutanese government, as well as foreign grants.

Breaking taboos
In 1999, the Queen Mother was appointed UNFPA Goodwill Ambassador. Recounting the beginning of her fieldwork, which she clearly takes beyond celebrity endorsements and photo-ops, Ashi Sangay said sexual and reproductive issues were considered “taboo subjects” in Bhutan. Although the first case of HIV/AIDS in the country was detected in 1993, it was hardly spoken of. The numbers have grown to about 627 cases last year, a reason for some concern in a small country with a population of just 7,71,000 people.

“The initial years were very challenging as there was an inherent denial and non-acceptance to address sexual and reproductive health issues which were obviously prevalent in our society,” Ashi Sangay, told The Hindu. “Some of my travels have involved perilous journeys on foot, pony and even yaks through unforgiving terrain. Through these very personal interactions I was able to identify the needs of the people, especially women and children,” she adds, explaining the start of RENEW.

While Bhutanese women enjoy a status, a place in the workforce and property rights that are considered more equitable than much of the SAARC region, there are growing concerns about violence. A 2017 study by Bhutan’s National Commission for Women and Children found that as many as 14% of women surveyed had suffered physical violence that year, 4.5% suffered sexual violence and more than 72% had never sought help from anyone for it.

It is that gap that Ashi Sangay says she is trying to bridge, even as RENEW grapples with the new challenge of the Coronavirus pandemic. Although Bhutan has not had a single COVID-19 related death, and kept its patient count below 400, the Queen Mother says an increase in domestic violence against women and girls, who were forced to stay at home during the lockdown has been a growing concern, and her group of about 3,000 volunteers are trying to visit as many homes as possible as a way to monitor their situation.

Community

Washing Hands With Ash: Bangladeshi Community Radio

A month ago, community radio stations in Bangladesh started broadcasting information related to a quickly spreading threat: COVID-19. The amount of this content escalated rapidly: from 25 hours by March 23rd, to 40 hours three days later.

These 16 stations are non-commercial, donor-supported, locally run, and mostly volunteer-operated. They’re especially useful to communicate with people with low or no literacy, or to keep up with the quickly changing situation on the ground. NGOs like Translators without Borders, which generally depend on face-to-face interaction in Bangladesh, are turning to other formats. “Some of the partners that we’re working with are using radio, which of course is ideal,” says Ellie Kemp, head of crisis response for Translators without Borders.

Mark Manash Saha, the program coordinator of the Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio and Communication (BNNRC), says that the community radio stations typically broadcast information on relevant health topics, from family planning to vaccination. Of course, these aren’t typical times. “The situation is deteriorating very fast,” Saha notes of the spread of COVID-19 in Bangladesh. There’s been limited testing of Bangladeshi nationals returning from other countries in recent weeks, amidst shortages of testing and other equipment. And as one of the world’s most densely populated countries, it will be very challenging to maintain social distancing, or even the prevention of large gatherings, in Bangladesh. (The government has shut the country’s largest brothel, amidst other containment measures.)

There’s a hunger for accurate information, and community radio stations are a part of this response. According to Saha, these FM stations have a collective audience of 6.8 million people. These include people who listen via their cellular phones, from farmers in their fields to homemakers in their homes. As for the broadcasters, Saha estimates that ¾ of the volunteers are staying away from the studio. He says that the volunteers are working with local coronavirus prevention committees, and collecting information over the phone.

This content is locally produced, after being checked by Saha, but the medical advice is taken from Bangladeshi medical experts, the World Health Organization, UNICEF and the national government. Here’s an example of an exchange (translated by Abdur Rahman):
A month ago, community radio stations in Bangladesh started broadcasting information related to a quickly spreading threat: COVID-19. The amount of this content escalated rapidly: from 25 hours by March 23rd, to 40 hours three days later.

These 16 stations are non-commercial, donor-supported, locally run, and mostly volunteer-operated. They’re especially useful to communicate with people with low or no literacy, or to keep up with the quickly changing situation on the ground. NGOs like Translators without Borders, which generally depend on face-to-face interaction in Bangladesh, are turning to other formats. “Some of the partners that we’re working with are using radio, which of course is ideal,” says Ellie Kemp, head of crisis response for Translators without Borders.

Mark Manash Saha, the program coordinator of the Bangladesh NGOs Network for Radio and Communication (BNNRC), says that the community radio stations typically broadcast information on relevant health topics, from family planning to vaccination. Of course, these aren’t typical times. “The situation is deteriorating very fast,” Saha notes of the spread of COVID-19 in Bangladesh. There’s been limited testing of Bangladeshi nationals returning from other countries in recent weeks, amidst shortages of testing and other equipment. And as one of the world’s most densely populated countries, it will be very challenging to maintain social distancing, or even the prevention of large gatherings, in Bangladesh. (The government has shut the country’s largest brothel, amidst other containment measures.)

There’s a hunger for accurate information, and community radio stations are a part of this response. According to Saha, these FM stations have a collective audience of 6.8 million people. These include people who listen via their cellular phones, from farmers in their fields to homemakers in their homes. As for the broadcasters, Saha estimates that ¾ of the volunteers are staying away from the studio. He says that the volunteers are working with local coronavirus prevention committees, and collecting information over the phone.

This content is locally produced, after being checked by Saha, but the medical advice is taken from Bangladeshi medical experts, the World Health Organization, UNICEF and the national government. Here’s an example of an exchange (translated by Abdur Rahman):